Editorial: Can Kishida Cabinet achieve policy turnaround amid LDP bigwigs' influence?

Fumio Kishida, president of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), has taken office as the 100th prime minister of Japan and rolled out his new Cabinet. The lineup, however, raises questions as to whether the new administration can rectify the distortions left by the previous regimes of Yoshihide Suga and Shinzo Abe that spanned nine years, and turn around the policy course in a direction sought by the public.

Of the 20-strong Cabinet, 13 are first-time ministers. Kishida promoted three junior lawmakers in their third terms in the House of Representatives to his Cabinet in a bid to highlight his appointment of young resources.

One of them, Takayuki Kobayashi, was named the minister for economic security, a post newly created to beef up the prevention of advanced technology drain and other measures. Other junior lawmakers also filled the posts of the COVID-19 vaccination minister and the digitalization minister, taking charge of areas that have come under the spotlight.

There apparently are signs that Kishida worked hard on adding his own touch of color to the Cabinet makeup. But that was overshadowed by his notable efforts to pay consideration to LDP bigwigs.

Kishida assigned the key post of chief Cabinet secretary to Hirokazu Matsuno, who has served as secretary-general of the LDP's largest Hiroyuki Hosoda faction, which remains under the strong influence of former Prime Minister Abe. Defense Minister Nobuo Kishi and education minister-turned Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry Koichi Hagiuda also retained their ministerial portfolios. Both Kishi and Hagiuda belong to the Hosoda faction and are close to Abe.

In the party executive appointment preceding the Cabinet formation, Kishida also gave key posts to figures close to Abe and LDP vice president Taro Aso.

Akira Amari, a heavyweight in the LDP's second largest Aso faction, assumed the pivotal role of party secretary-general, while Sanae Takaichi -- who was backed by Abe in the LDP leadership election -- was appointed policy chief.

The only appointment that showed Kishida's color was picking Tatsuo Fukuda as chairperson of the General Council, the LDP's highest decision-making body. Fukuda is among a group of junior and midranking party legislators advocating party reforms.

As a result of conceding those vital posts to figures in the largest Hosoda faction and the Aso faction, the Kishida Cabinet inevitably comes under strong party influence. The traditional power structure centering around Abe and Aso has, once again, been maintained.

While Kishida has stressed that he has the ability to closely listen to the voices of others, there is no way he can pull off a policy turnaround if he is to just keep hearing what Abe and other bigwigs have to say.

What has come into focus is whether Kishida can achieve policy measures he has laid out amid such a framework.

Kishida has advocated bringing about new Japanese-style capitalism by turning around neoliberal policies.

Under the Abenomics economic policy mix promoted by the Abe and Suga administrations, economic growth and efficiency were prioritized to the benefit of big companies and the rich. Meanwhile, nonpermanent employees were forced to struggle to make ends meet amid the coronavirus pandemic, with the economic gap only left widening.

Kishida says he is seeking to boost the income of the whole nation by focusing on the redistribution of wealth. This policy follows in the steps of the Income Doubling Plan introduced by the late former Prime Minister Hayato Ikeda, the founder of the Kochikai faction headed by Kishida.

In order for that goal not to end up a mere slogan, the Kishida administration must review Abenomics' policies. However, both Amari and Takaichi -- who have landed key posts within the LDP -- were the driving force behind the Abenomics policies under the Abe administration. Takashi Shimada, who served as vice minister of economy, trade and industry during the Abe administration, has been appointed as executive secretary to Prime Minister Kishida in charge of political affairs. Behind the policymaking of Abenomics were the economy ministry and bureaucrats hailing from the ministry and working at the prime minister's office.

As the major posts within the LDP and the prime minister's office are now staffed by Abe allies, some within the LDP are complaining that the new Cabinet is just a reincarnation of the Abe administration.

With regard to the pressing issue of coronavirus countermeasures, the Kishida Cabinet faces a difficult phase where it has to prevent a resurgence of infections while pursuing the restart of economic activities.

Regardless, Kishida has replaced an array of ministers in charge of the COVID-19 response, such as the health minister and the vaccination minister. It is doubtful whether the prime minister has expended all possible means to ensure crisis management. What is sought after are efforts capitalizing on the experiences and lessons from the one and a half years into the crisis.

Another major challenge is how to set out a path toward a zero carbon society. The new prime minister has the responsibility to move forward toward the goal of bringing greenhouse gas emissions to net zero by 2050.

Kishida has defined nuclear power as one of the options for clean energy. Yet public mistrust in nuclear power remains deep, while the cost of nuclear power generation is soaring due to swelling expenditures for safety measures.

At stake is what sort of nation Kishida is seeking to lead, and how he is going to resolve challenges lying ahead. He must address the country about these issues in detail and in his own words during his policy speech before the Diet on Oct. 8.

Kishida intends to dissolve the lower house on Oct. 14 for a general election on Oct. 31, with the campaigning period officially kickstarting Oct. 19.

Normally, the new government should convene the budget committee before a lower house dissolution to make clear the points of contention between the ruling and opposition parties through debate in question and answer sessions. The imminent election schedule has therefore come under fire from the opposition camp as an attempt to suppress hot debate between the ruling and opposition parties.

If the new administration finds it more beneficial to call a general election at an early date while it's clear of any political setback, it can only be called a maneuver to serve the LDP's own interests.

There is no way the new government can earn public trust if it is to procrastinate on the implementation of specific policy measures until after the general election.